Spain and the World. Vol. 2, no. 44

              SPAIN AND THE WORLD
Vol. II. No. 44.   LONDON, NOVEMBER 12th, 1938.   PRICE 2d.—U.S.A. 5 cents
The State rests on the slavery of labour. If labour becomes free, the State is lost. - MAX STIRNER
(The Ego and his Own)
The State is always a conservative power that authorizes, regulates and organizes the conquests of progress; but never does it inaugurate them - SYSMONDI.
(History of the Italian Republics)
CHAMBERLAIN THE UNREADY
by F. A. RIDLEY
In the year 991 England was invaded by an army of pure-blooded "Nordics," Viking bandits of the true "Ayran" breed. The Anglo-Saxon king, Ethelred, unable to withstand these international brigands, bought them off with a tribute of hard cash known as "Danegelt." On account of this military unpreparedness King Ethelred is known to historians as the "redeless" — i.e., who refuses to take advice — or, more generally, as "the Unready."
In 1938 Neville Chamberlain, British Prime Minister, buys off, in intention if not in fact, another assault from international bandits of pure "Aryan" stock. Like Ethelred, his political prototype, he pays tribute to the Vikings. And, more obsequious than his predecessor who sent the money, Chamberlain delivers the goods in person. He is Chamberlain the Unready.
"The Unready." But not necessarily "the man who would not take advice." For it would be to reason in the most superficial
manner to assume that the "sudden decision" of the political director of British Imperialism to "square the circle" and avoid a war by hook or crook, was not a deliberate premeditated decision to avoid a world-war at all costs. Undoubtedly Mr. Chamberlain's apparently surprising decision represents the deepest and most fundamental needs of British Imperialism: above all, the need to survive in a world which becomes ever more inimical to the power, and, indeed, to the very existence, of the British Empire.
An International crisis, and, above all, such a crisis in its sharpest form, the imminent threat of world-war, acts like a flash of lightning in the physical sphere; it lights up the murky terrain and brings the whole situation into the political searchlight. In the dazzling light that is shed upon the world situation of British Imperialism by the Hitler-Chamberlain conversations, the elemental landscape is now revealed as never before. Both British Imperialism and its critics of yesterday stand clearly revealed. That historical landscape will repay a moment's attention.
The British Empire now exists on sufferance. Britannia holds her empire by permission: her trident is now permanently in pawn. Such is the final political lesson that emerges from the Anglo-German Conversations of September 15th, 1938. The British Empire, flamboyant with Disraeli, insolent with Kipling, on a circumspect defensive with Baldwin, is now on its knees with Chamberlain, begging for permission to survive. And in all this there is no accident: the contemporary phase of its historic development is adequately expressed. Neville Chamberlain represents British Imperialism in its decline as accurately as his father "Joe" Chamberlain of glorious memory represented it in its heyday. Chamberlain pere fought Britain's last aggressive war, the Boer war; ruthlessly he trampled on the weak — Britain's hands were, of Imperialism fears it, particularly in course, clean: there was no "Kellogg Pact" to outlaw the "aggressor!" Chamberlain fils cringes to the strong! "Peace, and again Peace," that is his sole cry. Is it that Imperialism "red in tooth and claw," has at long last submitted to "the evolution of morals?" Or is it merely that the ravenous beast is old and tired; that his claws are blunted with age: that his teeth are falling out? Both views have their supporters.
The writer of these lines does not subscribe to either of these conflicting opinions. Morality and Imperialism inhabit widely sundered worlds; they have as much to do with each other as, shall are say, Lenin, the author of "Imperialism," and his present ci devant Russian disciples tumbling over each other to mount the Imperialist band-waggon! As for German Imperialism, no one could take it lightly as an opponent after its proven military efficiency in the last war; none the  less, it can hardly be supposed that British view of its vast economic superiority, and of the innumerable allies, ranging from "Communist" Russia to Fascist Portugal, all palpitating with ardour to die for Democracy; and, of course, in defence therefore of "the mother of Parliaments." No! Chamberlain (and his allies) have no cause to fear the bankrupt and divided Germany of to-day. If Britain, etc., etc., fights Germany again, Britain, etc., etc., will win. As the British Secret Service has not got the reputation of consisting exclusively of Morons, Chamberlain must know all this as well as anyone.
If Chamberlain fears, as he obviously does, to fight Germany this cannot be because he is "yellow," at any rate in the ordinary sense of the term. (Pace the "News-Chronicle" the British Foreign Office knows its job; and while the "Daily Herald" and the "Daily Worker" may foam at the mouth and demand Chamberlain's impeachment for his refusal "to look the Fascist danger firmly in the face," yet, after all, the British ruling class, and its political instrument, the Tory party, have been in the Imperialist game for four centuries: not four years, like the the Labour Party, or four months, like the Communist Party! They know all the ropes by this time).
Why then will not Chamberlain 
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NATIONAL SERVICE
The Government plans to introduce conscription. The workers must make no mistake. This would place a tremendous weapon in the hands of reaction — a weapon which the ruling class would not be hesitant to use.
Already the signs begin to appear. "Defense of Factories" is only a cover for attacks against the freedom of workers. Speed-up is increasing everywhere. Under the cover of National Service the Government hopes to manoeuvre the dupes and hired bullies of privilege into disorganising and intimidating the working-class.
War is being used as a method of blackmail. It is not the Fascist blackmail of the "democracies", but the co-ordinated blackmail of Hitler, Chamberlain, Mussolini and Daladier, using the people's natural horror of warfare to intimidate them into accepting tyranny under the cover of defence.
While Communists, Liberals and Labourites stand ready to betray the workers into a new Imperialist slaughter, Anarchism upholds the true tradition of their class — the tradition based on the fact that the workers have no country, for they are the wage-slaves of capitalist exploitation and the enemies of their exploiters.
On the eleventh of November millions of sincere British "subjects" remain in silence to respect the dead. Those are not the feelings of the organisers of the ceremony — for according to their ruling class beliefs, have they not betrayed the cause for which those people died? Have they not, by their own standards, assured us that those men died in vain?
For the ruling classes it is nothing more than an excuse for using the frailty of human sentiment to cultivate the psychology of mass-hysteria and servitude.
Do not accept the usual pro-militarist ballyhoo. They will tell you about the so-called peace they have gained, and will urge the need for preparing for war.
Don't be fooled by politicians, bosses, warmongers or state officials. Use the opportunity to build a movement for workers' direct action, workers' direct control, and freedom, while their is still time. (Issued by The Anarchist Federation of Britain)
The Internationals who were not present    By Federica Montseny 
Barcelona gave a rousing send-off to the volunteers of the International Brigade. Along the streets of Barcelona men of all races and from every corner of the earth who came to offer their all for the cause for which the Spanish people is fighting, marched past upright and sad.
And alongside those who marched past, I remembered those who were not among them. The "Internationals" who were not present ... those whom no one remembered. Those who were not present ... I think of Albert Brachet the young Belgium socialist professor, killed on the Madrid front.
I think of Fosco Falaschi, a symbolic figure, the incarnation of the heroic sentiment in life, drawn to anarchism, who fell on the Aragon front ... A great writer, a man of great culture who came to give his errant Italian life for the cause of the Spanish people against fascism which has enslaved all Italy.
I think of Rosselli, murdered in Paris by Fascism after having escaped death a thousand times in Aragon. Rosselli ideal figure of Italian Socialism, genuine Idealist...
And I think of Camillo Berneri, of our Berneri ...
Yet another of the Internationals who was not present! Yet another of the Internationals who did not march through the streets of Barcelona.
In some hidden corner there is yet a man or some men who, if they read these lines, will feel a cold shudder run through their veins.
And they will recall the man, that almost child-like eyes, that open smile, that gentle voice, that ever qustioning look upon his face.
And they will see Berneri stiff, covered in blood dead ... (6 lines censored)* . . . Berneri!
Poor Berneri! A beautiful personality, all goodness, all frankness, all idealism. When the black history is written, the black history runs current with the glorious history, the world will contemplate the figure of Berneri as to-day it looks upon those of Anarchasis Clootz, Engheim, Lacy and Duval.
And the others. Those unknown men. The workers who came from Poland and Bulgaria, Roumania, England and Sweden, from the most distant corners of America, from the depths of Africa, from the frontiers of the Orient . . . I have seen unforgettable men I have listened to the most unbelievable stories. And nevertheless, true. Because sometimes reality is more vivid than our imaginations.
Men of all political ideas. Communists, Socialists, Anarchist, Liberals and Democrats . . . And angry proletarians, their feelings dominated by the class struggle, who came here to fight the common enemy, to share our bread and wine.
I remember them. And on their innumerable graves, the tombs in which rest men without families, the tombs in which sleep sons mourned by many mothers of many races; above all the earth covered with bodies I cast a sad glance and a broken heart . . .
Tomorrow bards will sing your praises! There will rise a poet — and who knows from what womb will be born and from what far off land will come he — who will write this new and glorious Legend of the Centuries.
(Solidaridad Obrera)
(* These lines must refer to the responsible elements amongst the Communists who assassinated Berneri during the May Days, 1937 — Ed.)
TOM MOONEY TO BE FREED?
The victory of the Democrat Cuthbert Olson as Governor of California reminds one that amongst his promises if he were elected was that he would liberate the Labour Leader Tom Mooney who for the past 21 years has been in St. Quentin prison in company with Warren Billings.
As far back as 1928 Judge Franklin Griffen wrote to the Governor of California: "The trial judge (myself), the foreman of the jury, 11 members of the jury, the present District Attorney, and every other official, except District Attorney Kickert, the prosecutor, now dead — to-day believe the convicted men were innocent, and are sincere advocates of their pardon."
Since then, appeal after appeal have been in vain. Will the Governor of California now keep his word and free Tom Mooney and Warren Billings? Public opinion must force him to do so if now that he has obtained "power" he forgets his promises!
Tom Mooney had been for many years a member of Moulder's Union Local 164 and was known throughout California as an energetic fighter in the cause of the workers. For many years he had been an effective factor in various strikes. Because of his incorruptibility he was cordially hated by every employer and labour politician of the Coast. The United Railways had tried, a few years previously, to put Mooney behind the bars but even the farmer jury have refused to credit the frame-up against him. Ed.